Publications

Abstract

In a moment of rising neo-mercantilism, smaller countries must confront rent-seeking powers on their terms. Here, the trade negotiation literature suggests national all-purpose coalitions can be a detriment in international negotiations. However, this often assumes these coalitions are merely defensive strategies. What if these coalitions are equal parts offensive and defensive? This theory-building paper interrogates one example in the Team Canada NAFTA renegotiation strategy. Team Canada represented a spanning coalition of Canadian industry, labour and civil society working in concert. Drawing on Putnam’s two-level game, I observe Team Canada as both a defensive and offensive “Trap” strategy. It sought to eliminate internal rifts that could be manipulated and aggressively lobby influential American actors to isolate the Trump administration. This process tracing research draws from original semi-structured interviews with Canadian and American trade negotiation participants, secondary accounts from papers of record, and committee witness testimony.

Description to be added later.

ABSTRACT

In the 2024 New Brunswick election, the Liberal Party overcame a challenging electoral map and brand fatigue to win a sizeable majority. Tracing the party’s pivot from 2020 to 2024, this account contextualizes the Liberals’ comfortable majority with three factors. First, the party embraced personality politics as “Team Holt” to shed its federal association. Second, the party’s message discipline on healthcare, education and affordability sought to deny air to Higgs’ cleavage conservatism. Third, the party was aided by the electorate’s frustration with incumbents generally and Higgs personally. Team Holt’s victory may provide lessons for the other beleaguered Liberal Parties, especially on the value of authentic and accessible leadership over star power.

RÉSUMÉ

Lors des élections de 2024 au Nouveau-Brunswick, le Parti libéral a surmonté une carte électorale difficile ainsi que la fatigue avec sa marque pour remporter une majorité considérable. Traçant le pivot du parti de 2020 à 2024, ce récit contextualise la majorité confortable des libéraux avec trois facteurs. Premièrement, le parti a adopté la politique de la personnalité sous le nom de « Équipe Holt » pour se débarrasser de son association fédérale. Deuxièmement, la discipline du message du parti sur les soins de santé, l’éducation et l’accessibilité financière a nié l’air au conservatisme clivage de Higgs. Troisièmement, le parti a été aidé par la frustration de l’électorat à l’égard des titulaires généralement et de Higgs personnellement. La victoire de l’Équipe Holt pourrait instruire des leçons aux autres partis libéraux en difficulté, notamment sur la valeur d’un leadership authentique et accessible par rapport à l’aura d’étoile.

Abstract

The Procurement Strategy for Indigenous Businesses (PSIB) targets allocating five percent of total federal contract value to Indigenous businesses. Recent investigations have cast doubt on the PSIB’s legitimacy. I address this in two parts. First, I find that PSIB loopholes have enabled intermediary groups, many of which are in joint ventures with larger non-Indigenous enterprises, with limited internal capacity to claim up to 839 million set-aside dollars to date. Second, I characterize these loopholes as prototypically liberal and I propose alternatives.

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Abstract

Globally and domestically, procurement localism is on the rise. This can take the form of a Buy Canada policy that favors local suppliers. Assuming the localism of a Buy Canada is preferable, how can federal procurement policies and guidelines be designed to maximize its local returns? This article profiles three potential policy design challenges that may undermine a federal Buy Canada policy’s implementation and evaluation. First, Canadian international trade commitments ensure nondiscrimination, putting many contracts out of the reach. Second, simplistic approaches to capturing a supplier’s origin, like a given address, would result in marginal change. Third, data gaps like subcontracting diminish policy renewal and enable leakages to unknown foreign suppliers. Using Buy America as a counter case, this article makes recommendations to address these design gaps and maximize Buy Canada. It suggests new federal trade derogations, employee-defined origin, domestic sourcing requirements and subcontracting data collection.

Open Access Here

Abstract

Globalization has introduced insecurities to individuals and businesses. Countries are pressed to respond to these insecurities with more inclusive visions of globalization. One policy response is social procurement—public purchasing geared to create social value. Canada is embracing this response but faces barriers of its own making. Through the institutional bricolage of procurement trade rules, Canada has constrained its capacity to use social procurement. This is acutely felt by Crown corporations, which are increasingly under the scope of trade treaties. This article details this phenomenon through textual analysis of Canadian procurement trade rules and state enterprise attempts at social procurement

Open Access Here

Abstract

The literature on regional representation within the federal policy process has had limited engagement with interest group composition. While some have referenced an Ottawa ‘bubble,’ there has been no empirical demonstration. This paper responds to this gap in assessing how regional location affects organizational access to the federal government. Leveraging existing datasets through the Commissioner of Lobbying and some additional data collection, we test hypotheses relating to central Canadian lobbying. Our analysis makes three core contributions. First, we find that lobbying from central Canada has a statistically and substantively significant increase in expected average meeting counts per month. The Great Lakes-Laurentian region in particular sees higher access. Second, using the ‘five region-Canada’ model, we find that Ontario organizations are more active than most regions except the Prairies. Contrary to popular discourse, we find little evidence that Prairies organizations receive less access on average. Third, our findings are consistent when fixating on central agencies.

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Abstract

The political science literature on lobbying systems tends to focus on three casual factors. Scandals, cross-jurisdictional learning and political manipulation are often used to explain the trajectory of lobbying regulations. This research note advances the role of industrial competition as another causal factor. Using New Brunswick as a theory-building case study, we observe how industrial diversity and economic concentration can shape lobbying regulatory development. This political economic account spotlights how lobbyists may welcome robust lobbying regulations providing there is a real threat of outsider status.

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Abstract

Canadian policymakers have long been protective of their dairy industry despite reducing state interventions in other sectors. Recent preferential trade agreements (CPTPP, CETA, and CUSMA), however, have shown there are limits to this insularity. These new agreements have introduced dairy access concessions at a moment of flux within the rules-based international order. Why are there dairy concessions at this moment? This article combines political economic and ideational factors to explain this shift in Canadian trade policy. Applying discursive institutionalism, we observe a collapse of the dairy industry’s discursive power over sovereignty and federalism. This discursive breakdown is a function of (1) the legacy of earlier preferential trade agreements and (2) the success of challenger coalitions in persuading actors in favour of economic liberalization. Incorporating content analysis of public statements, we characterize this discursive breakdown within both federal and intergovernmental networks.

Abstract

The current liberal Rules-Based International Order (RBIO) is in decline. One symptom of this is the extent to which the US is changing its international strategies and its expectations of other countries in its battle with China for a hegemonic position in a new global context. The chapter argues that the consequences of this have been poorly recognized by middle powers like Canada. Canada’s steadfast commitment to rules-based trade, based on existing but rapidly eroding rules is demonstrated in our analysis of recent trade policy choices including the renegotiated NAFTA agreement (CUSMA) and a variety of new trade agreements. However, being ideationally locked into a set of rules that no longer bind the great powers as much as they may have done in the past may be counterproductive. In an increasingly mercantilist and conflictual international environment, the rules in question need to be rethought. In a brief concluding section, the chapter suggests that Canada’s interests may be better served by facilitating a more agile state, rather than a constrained one, rebalancing the rights and obligations of states and capital, and promoting trade and investment relationships that undo the historic injustices between the Global North and the Global South.

Abstract

The last twenty years have been marked by a shift to the right of Quebec’s political spectrum, so much so that the 2018 provincial election resulted in a majority government led by Coalition Avenir Québec. This article examines the changes that such a political trajectory may have brought about in the demands and discourses of Quebec employers. Through a study of the briefs written by the Conseil du patronat du Québec and the Fédération des chambres de commerce du Québec, we analyze the way in which these two organizations are responding to the recent changes in the Quebec political scene. We focus on those changes affecting Quebec nationalism, which has been revolving increasingly around identity-related themes after having abandoned the question of sovereignty and, more broadly, the constitutional question.